Tyranny, corruption and megalomania. Bell’s essay on the Ukrainian president and the great expectations of the citizens of a devastated country.
There will be great expectations after the war and it will be a very difficult and dangerous period for the reconstruction and reform of Ukraine. President Zelensky became more and more part of the problem.
This is what the columnist Jamie Detmer comments in a sarcastic way and quotes the statements of parliamentarians, political analysts and citizens, in a text intervention through Politico entitled “Ukraine can face a new field.”
At a time when the news from the war fronts does not bode well for the Kiev forces, and the possibility of a counterattack seems to be diminishing, in light of the fiasco of the United States with the leaked documents, the text gives a different perspective. About the situation in Ukraine house.
“I was on the streets in the Orange Revolution in 2004 and I was on the streets in 2014. And the 10th anniversary is coming,” says Inna Supson, a Ukrainian opposition lawmaker and member of the pro-European Holos party. She suspects that another period of political turmoil may be on the way for the country. Speaking to the Politico columnist, the 38-year-old politician emphasized that the Maidan uprising in 2014 had unforeseen consequences and created the conditions that brought her country to the current situation, and adds that the war will have similar consequences, such as, in the spirit of patriotism. High, the demands for a better future are enormous and it will not be easy to meet them.
And Detmer notes that Sobson is not alone in seeing an uprising in the future, citing a former cabinet member who warned of the possibility of a “new square”. He is, in fact, asking to speak to POLITICO on condition of anonymity, as he fears that he will be accused, like other members of parliament, of undermining Ukrainian resistance and throwing water into the Russian propaganda mill.
“People’s patience has begun to demand change. They will demand money, justice, and the completion of reforms, and they will demand their implementation very quickly,” the deputy comments, adding that this situation may be very difficult for Volodymyr Zelensky, as he is beginning to become part of the problem, as a leader with authoritarian tendencies.
Zelensky, as he comments on Politico, may be touted around the world as the face of the Ukrainian resistance, even as an emblem of democracy, but seasoned analysts see something different behind his high popularity. They estimate that its high rates have more to do with the sense of national pride that Ukrainians are overwhelmed with over the invasion.
Volodymyr Zelensky was elected by an impressive margin promising sweeping changes in the country, but his popularity quickly plummeted when he decided to oust a reformist minister from his cabinet, then filled his cabinet with his former friends and associates, while never pushing reforms to tackle corruption. . Instead, he was accused of becoming increasingly authoritarian, ruling by presidential decree, and targeting political opponents.
Four months before the Russian invasion, the Ukrainian president and two of his close associates became embroiled in an offshore company case, as documented in the Pandora Papers, which Zelensky was accused of establishing before his election to power, but which he continued to profit from. .
Now, in the midst of the war, other questions have been raised with opposition politicians and members of civil society suggesting that Zelensky may also find himself apologizing for the fact that even after the invasion he continued to rule with his former friends and associates, trying to establish a governed democracy with his party as the sole dominant force.
“Of course we have to support our government and stay united, but I worry about the future of democracy in my country. Even in wartime there must be opposition, there must be democratic process and there must be parliamentary control,” says Mykola Knazytsky, an opposition MP from Lviv.
Like others, Knazytsky notes, Zelensky is using the powers granted under martial law to gain more power, controlling television channels, sidelining parliament, and ending all control over how and to whom state money is distributed. They are partners and allies of the president or companies with ties to members of the ruling party.
Some even fear that Zelensky will become an international laughing stock, as the former minister points out, “He considers himself the most important politician in the world, and Joe Biden, as well as Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Schultz, is much inferior to him.”
This paranoia and his need to be the protagonist may also be hiding behind his refusal to form a cooperation government in the midst of the war.
In contrast, Timofey Milovanov, head of the Kyiv School of Economics and unofficial adviser to Zelensky, argues that “this is what the citizens want. In my opinion, Ukraine is very lucky to have him. I think the previous presidents would have taken advantage of the first hours of the war and negotiated.” He adds that Zelensky is establishing a nation-state and thus has no choice but to bypass institutions that often serve interests.
But last January, Zelensky assured Ukrainians that “there will be no return for the country to the previous status quo.” However, his words came in the form of a scandal involving illegal payments and “bloated” military contracts erupted, leading to a series of resignations and dismissals of senior Ukrainian officials.
It should be noted, however, that experienced analysts, such as the former US diplomat, have commented “We haven’t seen major efforts to deal with corruption, I think they understand the implications of a major scandal regarding Western aid to the war would have.”
He finally notes that Ukrainian opposition figures “appreciate his leadership in the war, but they are very concerned about his corruption and authoritarian style. Their point of view is that there will be a settling of scores when the war is over, and I think there will be.”
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