Kassalakis’ successful invasion of Syriza is a world (and unique) first, already confirmed by Koutsi Maria. It has never happened before that a person who was not even living in the country of the party, but living abroad, who was neither an executive nor a simple person of a party, suddenly appeared out of nowhere and became a party. Chairman.
Such an unexpected (verging on the legendary) raid can only be expected to work in favor of a party already suffering heavy defeats. Each new solution may include a shiny face and a fresh breath of fresh air away from the old party data. And yet, what we are finally witnessing in these remarkable days for SYRIZA is a complete confirmation of Meffrey’s law. “Anything that can go wrong, eventually will.”
Only the most perceptive astrologer of that night could have predicted that Stefanos won the internal party elections against the entire Syriza Party staff and the detonator button was pressed that would blow them up within two months. The selection of contested members in internal party elections is not meant to save, but rather hastens the rot and dissolution of SYRIZA.
Speeches, dissents, objections, deletions, reversals of deletions and their new reorganizations, the coming central committee, crowned with exhortations, ferocity, profound analyzes and lame shouts, will ensure complete disintegration. That means the end of Syriza as we know and love it. Beautiful, big and real.
No one knows what will come out of this tragic Orimakota we are watching, although Kassalakis can boast that it is 80% his own work. The remaining 20% liability belongs to everyone else. At this point, Alexis’s once-mighty Syriza seems to have boiled a witch’s cauldron, forcing Greece to turn to other ports and change the rest of Europe. What will emerge from the overflowing foam is anyone’s guess.
Kassalakhistan is the deadly personification of this road of no return. He became a cataclysmic figure-catalyst who accelerated the self-leveling of a political system once admired (for its echoes and endurance).
Kassalakis did this through ignorance or recklessness, following orders or carrying out a plan (his or others’). Not with Ahtsioglu, not with Papa, not even with Tzoumaka at the helm, party and political fragmentation would not have come so quickly and so furiously.
Now we live in the last days of a beast that some of us admire and others loathe, but whose roars and claws defined the last twenty years of our lives. We now hear his death snort as he crawls defeated on the ground, Stefanos still sitting proudly in his saddle in his white shirt.
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